By P. Abbott
One of many normally said virtues of recent constitutional democracies is their ability to insure trustworthy and permitted tools of political succession via election. This e-book makes a speciality of one specific, even though no longer unusual, trouble within the democratic mode of political succession: American vice-presidents who imagine workplace because of the demise, assassination or resignation of a president. 3 uncomplicated thoughts by way of “accidental presidents” to set up and increase their legitimacy are pointed out and evaluated. whereas none are reliably winning, each one offers a lens to review the character of presidential energy and authority in addition to to give a contribution to a democratic idea of succession.
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Extra info for Accidental Presidents: Death, Assassination, Resignation, and Democratic Succession (The Evolving American Presidency)
He lost the election for governorship of New York despite his attempt to attract both nativist and abolitionist voters. After a brief retirement, he ran for state controller in 1848 and received the highest number of votes for a Whig candidate in New York. When the Whig presidential nominating convention deadlocked over a choice for vice president, New York Whigs again proposed Fillmore, who won on the first ballot. Though selected for his antislavery views, including opposition to Texas annexation, Fillmore largely avoided discussion of the issue during the campaign.
States’ rights Democrats and Whigs who benefited from the president’s patronage nominated Tyler at a convention in Baltimore on a third party Democratic-Republican ticket. Tyler looked forward to the prospect of a divided Democratic Party with those opposed to annexation limited to voting for Clay. By August, however, Tyler’s plans fell apart. Democrats rallied around Polk who supported annexation and began putting pressure on Tyler to withdraw, which he did in August. Faced with inevitable defeat, Tyler’s demands were quite modest.
6 Although Tyler had long been on record in opposition to the Bank of the United States, he opposed, though initially reluctantly, Jackson’s plan to remove deposits and voted to censure Jackson for the action. ” On both these issues, Tyler’s constituency in Virginia had been divided. When the question of expunging the censure from the record emerged in 1834, Tyler found himself in a more difficult position. The Virginia legislature instructed its senators to vote for the bill and Tyler had long been on record as supporting the practice of state instruction of federal legislators.